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April, 2001
In the first sentence of the preface
to her book, Female Masculinity (1998), Judith Halberstam
clearly articulates one of the central problems of her project.
She states, "There is something all too obvious about the concept
of 'female masculinity'" (xi). Indeed, when I read this statement
and turned back to the front cover of the book, I knew that what
I was about to read was a book about the experiences of Euro-American,
biologically-born females who identify as masculine. What I had
hoped to read was something less obvious—a cross-cultural critique
of masculinity and gender performativity, or perhaps a discussion
of gender as it relates to broader categories, such as race, class,
religion, marriage and labor. Finally, I hoped to read an analysis
of masculinity that embraced the female, but that did not need to
be qualified by the term female. This was not the book I read, however.
In her book, Halberstam seeks to
demonstrate that female masculinity is "a specific gender with its
own cultural history" (77) rather than "an imitation of maleness"
(1) or "a pathological sign of misidentification and maladjustment"
(9). The evidence for her argument stems primarily from literary
and dramatic sources—novels, diaries, film and theatre—and is arranged
by what she calls "a logic of embodiment," that is, by how the individuals
presented in these genres position(ed) themselves within the gender
discourses of their day (41). The first two examples she presents
are from the nineteenth century—the court case of two schoolteachers,
Jane Pirie and Marianne Woods, and the diaries of Anne Lister. Next,
she explores the facts and fictions of John Radclyffe Hall's life
and its relation to Havelock Ellis's sexological analyses and the
prevailing notions of "sexual inversion" at that time. Following
these chapters, Halberstam fast-forwards to the second half of the
twentieth century, where she explores stone butch fiction, the "border
wars" of butches and female-to-male transsexuals, butches on film,
and finally, butches on stage.
Throughout her book, Halberstam emphasizes
the need for a new language, a new "taxonomy" to more accurately
describe the many forms and varieties of female masculinity. She
asserts that terms such as "tribade," "androgyne," "hermaphrodite,"
"female husband" and "lesbian" are discursive, not descriptive;
they are mired in historical contexts that have lost their meaning
in today's complicated gender arenas. Philosophers Michel Foucault
and Judith Butler are frequently invoked by Halberstam to assist
in her claim that a new language is warranted in order to more accurately
articulate today's same-sex desires and practices. In explaining
the limitations and the historicity of language, Foucault seems
useful for her arguments, but Butler perhaps less so. As an example,
in one passage, Halberstam quotes Butler in order to demonstrate
the inefficacy of the term, "lesbian." Halberstam states:
Many writers have recently commented
on the damage done by labeling diverse forms of cultural production
and representation as 'lesbian' or 'gay.' [...] Judith Butler
writes, 'I'm permanently troubled by identity categories, consider
them to be invariable stumbling-blocks, and understand them, even
promote them, as sites of necessary trouble'[.] Identity, it seems,
as a representational strategy produces both power and danger;
it provides both an obstacle to identification and a site 'of
necessary trouble.' As such, the stereotype, the image that announces
identity in excess, is necessarily troublesome to an articulation
of lesbian identity, but also foundational; the butch stereotype,
furthermore, both makes lesbianism visible and yet seems to make
it visible in nonlesbian terms: That is to say, the butch makes
lesbianism readable in the register of masculinity, and it actually
collaborates with the mainstream notion that lesbians cannot be
feminine (176-7). (Note 1.)
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