There are even status implications in the type of ball at which a debutante is presented. As mentioned in the previous article in this series, in Euro-American society, there are two kinds of debuts, the mass debut and the private debut, and each offers the opportunity for opulent display. Mass debuts tend to be more common in New York; private debuts are more common in Philadelphia and Boston. The mass debut is usually held at a hotel or private club (as opposed to one's home) and the admission costs are usually donated to a charity. For example, the Debutante Cotillion and Christmas Ball benefits the New York Infirmary-Beekman Downtown Hospital, whereas the Mayflower Ball benefits the Mayflower Fund, which in turn benefits New York high school history students (Barron, 30).

Although mass debuts tend to be marginally less expensive than private debuts (at mass debuts, instead of arranging the event oneself, one purchases "plates" for family and guests, who may easily number in the double digits, and who consume food and drink in the quadruple or quintuple dollar digits), this is usually not a concern for those who participate in them. For debutantes, a mass debut is sometimes preferred because it gives them a sense of solidarity, and, from a personal anxiety standpoint, it diffuses the social pressures and fears (of tripping over one's gown when announced, wobbling during one's curtsy, etc.) that many of them may feel. Mass debuts may also be preferred by parents, who seek a public display of wealth. Guest lists number into the thousands, and in the case of the International Ball, which is held each year both in New York and in Vienna, the debutantes, their families and guests may hail not only from different states, but different countries. Thus the International Ball offers the debutante a "coming out" on the grandest scale—she comes out not only in American society, but in European society as well. In addition, as mentioned earlier, because the fees for many tables are paid by the corporations which employ the parents of debutantes, the mass debut is also an opportunity to demonstrate wealth not only among other families, but among competing employers as well. Thus, for many families, the mass debut offers much bang for the buck.

For other families, a private debut is preferred. According to some, the private debut imparts a certain snob appeal not present, or at least present to a much lesser degree, in the mass debut. As one Philadelphia woman said, "[the mass debut is] only for girls who can't afford to come out any other way" (Birmingham, 205). Although cost does not seem to be the main concern for those families that opt for a mass debut, nonetheless, the private debut can easily exceed the costs of its more public counterpart. Forty years ago, Henry Ford 2d debuted his daughter, Charlotte, at a private party held at the Country Club of Detroit. The estimated cost, in 1959, was $250,000 (Barron, 30). Of course, the private debut also has clout because it is private. Attendance is by invitation only.

The tendency toward mass debuts in extremely large, international cities, such as New York, contrasts with the tendency toward private debuts in comparatively smaller cities such as Philadelphia and Boston. Although Philadelphia and Boston are both fair-sized cities, their approach to society seems more insular than New York. Says one elite party-goer: "'For inbred Yankees [...] publicized parties are in poor taste, and kind of, well, disgusting. [...A] debut is a family tradition and, quite frankly, no one else's business" (Barron, 33). In fact, according to one report a "newcomer" whose family had only been in Philadelphia since 1860, was given restricted permission to attend one of Philadelphia's Assemblies "as an out of town guest" (Birmingham, 205; emphasis mine). This "city versus country" contrast was not lost on Veblen, who noted that in cities, where populations are larger, denser and more transient, there is a greater need to quickly and effectively demonstrate wealth and status through attendance at parties (either as a host or as a guest)—the "normal standard of conspicuous consumption [is pushed] to a higher point" (54). In the country, however, time and gossip are sufficient vehicles for transmitting the message of one's status:

Consumption becomes a larger element in the standard of living in the city than in the country. Among the country population its place is to some extent taken by savings and home comforts known through the medium of neighborhood gossip sufficiently to serve the like general purpose of pecuniary repute (Veblen, 55).

Although today Philadelphia and Boston can hardly be considered the "country," it seems that, at least as far as the debutante tradition is concerned, they have maintained past attitudes toward consumption perhaps to a greater degree than one might find in New York.

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